Post Mortem

My humble reply to Z. Lohe’s statements (Part II)

By Nagaland Post | Publish Date: 8/9/2019 11:50:51 AM IST

 In the first para of Mr. Lohe’s article, “In response to Advocate Pakinrichapbo,” dated 06.08.19, he raised the issue of exclusively co-owning the State of Nagaland by aboriginal Naga landowners or to co-owned with intruders. The state is not a property to be owned by any class or groups of citizens. The general theory of the formation of a democratic state is to curb human selfish interest and equally protect and promote welfare for all groups of people living in a defined territory. The writer did not mention who those “intruders” are, so I shall reserve my comments for time being. 

In reply to the second para, the writer puts all the blame on parasites (outsiders) for the poor economic state of Nagaland.  Here the writer did not state who these undeserved “parasites” are. Does the writer meant Nagas from outside Nagaland being members of certain nationalist factions (composed of Nagas from everywhere) making monetary gains through illegal taxations from the state’s govt. departments or through extortions in towns of Nagaland? Let’s not forget that, when the National Investigation Agency (NIA) starts to take action of various factions’ illegal taxation from government departments, it was the state government employee association that strongly opposed NIA intervention fearing prosecutions of government officials. Thus, to wholly place the blame on outside elements for Nagaland’s mess is unbecoming of a truthful man. And I don’t speak for Nagas from outside Nagaland working in underground factions but voluntarily for thousands of poor civilian populations like me who happened to be part of Nagaland not because of our doing but because our grandparents and parents moved into Peren district of Nagaland responding to appeal of their tribesman of Nagaland. So we are nobody guest but protector of the lands of fellow tribesman and we deserve to be treated as equals. 

Regarding state economy, the readers ought to know that the economy of Nagaland should not be measured from the standpoint of availability of government jobs alone. Moreover, the culture of respecting only government jobs has made a majority of the college-educated youths lazy by making them fully dependent on their parents and tribes’ sympathies to arrange for government jobs. Not willing to venture into roads less travelled, the numbers of educated unemployed youths are increasing rapidly. Only government initiatives cannot build up the state economy, private enterprise has to come in but why Multinational Corporation are not investing in Nagaland is the question, responsible indigenous people need to deliberate.

In reply to third paragraph, I don’t speak for other non-indigenous Nagas, who have alternative homes and are yet exploiting Nagaland for personal gains in the guise of sacrificing for a common cause. But I have no alternative homes except Nagaland and it will remain my home. Also, I fully respect and consider the special laws of Nagaland, but let’s not be emotional here, the responsible citizens need to review and debate as to whether the special laws, like Article 371A and BEFR 1873, have pushed Nagaland forward or backward. Ironically, ILP imposed districts have seen an increase in the population of non-tribal business, workers. Laws alone cannot save the people; inculcating a sense of social responsibility is must on the part of indigenous people.

In reply to the fourth paragraph, if the indigenous Nagas of Nagaland think that only RIIN can defend Nagaland and ignore to address the urgent issues of corruption in government institutions, underdevelopment, misgovernance, and communalism (tribalism), you are all terribly wrong. Nagaland can only be destroyed from within, with or without RIIN. I have no intention of co-owning Nagaland State and yet as I have stated in my earlier write up, the historical background of post-1963 settlers varies from person to person, tribes to tribes. Therefore, in order to secure social, political, and economic justice for the minorities, the State Government has to take into account of how the several hundred families settled permanently in the state post-1963, for now is the right time to prove that Nagaland government is a government of law and not a government of men or group of men.

In reply to the fifth paragraph, I am nobody’s puppet and had shared my opinion on my capacity for the welfare of all inhabitants of Nagaland. With regard to crude politicians, I never mention all Nagaland politicians are crude, but crude politicians do exist, look around. Also kindly check out pages 18-19 of the book titled “Democracy in Nagaland: Tribes, Traditions, And Tensions, edited by Jelle JP Wouters & Zhoto Tunyi.” I think that will suffice to counter the writer contention that Nagaland government have never been communal. With regard to tribal leaders, I appreciate those noble tribal leaders sincerely working for improving inter-tribe relations, but many tribal lords do exist. After Nagaland’s statehood, have we never witnessed any single inter-tribes or inter-village violent conflicts over land ownership issues, etc.? Or maybe the writer has lost his memory to recollect what happened during ULB crisis.

Lastly, reading the remaining paragraphs, I have to conclude that this writer doesn’t care about the fundamental rights of citizens to criticize government policies. 

Mr. Pakinrichapbo (Advocate)

Samziuram Village, Peren, Nagaland


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